The Cindakko people are very closed to newcomers. I started to realize this after several times I explained to Pak Sulaiman, the Head of Cindakko Hamlet, that I wanted to hear the history of Cindakko, and he always answered, "Tena kussengngi yes," which more or less means "I don't know about that matter."
I got a similar answer from Daeng Ramallang, as one of the traditional leaders. A sentence that reads, "Tena kussengngi yes," or, "I don't know," in the Makassar language dialect is a form of polite and ambiguous answer to indicate to someone that, "I don't want to answer your question," even though they actually know the answer. the questions asked. When I first arrived, I always found answers like that, especially every time I asked about their history.
There are several reasons for this closed attitude, including that the Cindakko people are not used to interacting with outsiders, especially new people who do not speak the local language, their mother tongue, Makassar. When I first arrived at the Cindakko traditional community settlement, in Bokkongmata, I greeted two boys aged around five or six years in Indonesian, and they immediately ran around looking for a place to hide.
It was as if they saw a ghost. I got a similar impression when the first night arrived, I sat on the veranda of the house while talking with the Head of the Hamlet, Mr. Sulaiman. Then several residents came, sitting quietly on the other side of the veranda, seriously investigating me, as a newcomer. When I tried to smile and say hello, they only responded with silence, without a smile. "Very few people here understand Indonesian," explained Pak Sulaiman.
Another reason for the closed attitude of the Cindakko people, at least according to my brief analysis after living for two months, is because the local residents have a lot of trauma. These include: First, the ancestors of the Cindakko people experienced expulsion from the area where they lived by 'gangs', by DII/TII rebels.
"Our grandmother," Daeng Ramallang said to refer to their ancestors, "was once expelled from here, from our land, and all of us, I was only about 10 years old at that time, had to go into hiding in the next village." The gang burned several residents' houses and occupied the Cindakko traditional area for three years. After the gang fled, the Cindakko people returned to their homeland, where they remain today.
Second, gold is scattered in the Cindakko traditional area - this conclusion arises from: (1) at least based on what I saw, as in the photo above; (2) based on research conducted by Arif, a student at Hasanuddin University, regarding rocks in the Cindakko area; (3) as stated by the Tourism Office, Maros Regency, on its website, the Cindakko traditional area has mining potential.
Because of this geographical condition, the Cindakko people have many stories about how their gold will be taken. In the past, a Karaeng (a person with a noble title) named Karaeng Gajang once asked the Cindakko people to leave their land with the promise of giving them a large area of land and a house for each resident.
Karaeng Gajang provides houses in a settlement not far from the Cindakko traditional land. Some Cindakko people accepted, most refused. In fact, there was once a rich merchant who came to check their gold by helicopter. But because their customary law was still strong, all these bad plans stopped. Until now, when new people come to their traditional territory, the Cindakko people often consider them to be new Karaeng Gajang, or new traders, who will take what they have.
Third, the trauma above, experienced by the Cindakko people, is exacerbated by the false promises of politicians (village head candidates) who usually come to the Cindakko indigenous community to get their support during the election season. As some people say, village head candidates usually come to their homes and promise to provide better access (roads) and so on.
After they are elected, the path is still the same, the process of processing documents such as making a KTP/KK is too expensive, and there are always attempts to monopolize assistance and exclude those who are not part of the village head's support group. Daeng Syaddu explained to me that, “If you don't elect the village head, then you, at least as long as he is in charge, will not get help. Because aid is only for the people [their political group].”
*Article written by: Andi Alfian, CRCS UGM student, who conducted research in the ESTUNGKARA program
